Zhang Jian, Zeng Xiangmin
Abstract: The restriction on Buddhism imposed by the Emperor Shizong of the Later Zhou was the mildest and most rational of the “Four Calamities”, because the emperor was more experienced, no agitators were involved, though a sympathizer may have exerted some influence, Buddhism was localized in China, and the number of monks, nuns and temples was greatly reduced. The specific measures were strict, orderly, comprehensive, and moderate, including such aspects as restoration, abolition and establishment of temples, regulations on converting into monks or nuns, prohibitive regulations on superstitious rituals, censorship of public opinions, and prohibition of copper. In the course of restricting Buddhism, Shizong displayed a kind of simple materialistic concept, mechanistic atheism and fearless spirit, and his stern personality stood in contrast to the moderate measures.
Keywords: Shizong’s restriction on buddhism; moderation; reasons; measures
1. Introduction
The year 955 A.D. witnessed a large-scale restriction on Buddhism imposed by the Emperor Shizong of the Later Zhou, one of the “Four Calamities” recorded in the history of Chinese Buddhism. The first calamity befell the Northern Wei where the Emperor Taiwu intended to root out all the Buddhists. The second calamity broke out in the Northern Zhou where the Emperor Wudi completely banned both Buddhism and Taoism. The third calamity occurred in the Tang Dynasty where the Emperor Wuzong allowed dozens of Buddhist temples and less than 1,000 monks and nuns to remain and, meanwhile, his blow was also targeted at foreign religions such as Christianity, Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, and possibly Islam. By contrast, the last one by the Emperor Shizong was moderate, non-violent and ration—only a little more than half of the temples were closed down, almost half of the monks and nuns were laicized, no one was executed, no Buddhist temples or statues were destroyed, and no other religions were implicated.
For quite a few centuries, Buddhist scholars attributed Emperor Shizong’s death at the age of 39—just four years after he implemented the calamity—to divine punishment for his policy. Similarly, some modern scholars have drawn unjustified conclusions about the last calamity based on the erroneous claim that Shizong had abolished more than ninety percent of the temples and laicized the vast majority of monks and nuns throughout his realm. Another problem is the scanty and incomplete account of the last calamity in general history books, dynastic history books and even books on Buddhist history1. In view of the problems mentioned above, this paper elaborates on the reasons for, measures taken in, and comments on the last calamity in the Chinese Buddhist history.
2. Reasons for the Moderate, Non-violent and Rational Restriction on Buddhism
The first reason is that Chinese emperors had accumulated greater governing experience, especially in how to handle the relationship between the state and religion. Five centuries had passed from the first calamity in 446 to Shizong’s restriction on Buddhism in 955. During this period, the rulers had learned how to employ religion to serve their political interests without much negative effect on the national economy, people’s livelihood, national strength or military power.
Buddhism, as one of the most influential belief systems in medieval China, was greatly needed by the ruler to satisfy the populace’s spiritual demands, educate them, stabilize the society and enhance the legitimacy of the government, due to its merits such as mature doctrines, both simple and elaborate rituals, highly educated followers and well-established organizational systems. Just as Li Jie, a jinshi2, successful candidate in the highest imperial examinations in the Tang Dynasty, pointed out: “when something is wrong with the secular world and the populace has worries, but for Buddhism’s consolation, the brave would think about rising to rebel, the wise would be calm enough to conspire and, as a result, peasants’ revolt would ensue.” (Dong et al. 8249) As a consequence, upon his enthronement, Shizong converted an old residence, where Zhang Guifei3, one of his top-ranked imperial concubines surnamed Zhang, used to take refuge, into a Buddhist temple in the name of an imperial building project (Xue et al. 1601). In 954, when Master Yichu of Kaiyuan Temple in Qizhou presented his work A Dictionary of Buddhist Allusions to Emperor Shizong, the emperor had the book printed and granted the master a purple gown4 as a reward (Takakusu & Watanabe 392). In September 957, the emperor bestowed inscribed horizontal plaques upon four newly built temples: Tianqing, Xianjing, Xianning, and Shengshou (Wang 150). Even the 955 royal ordinance announcing the restrictions on Buddhism stated that, first, “Buddhism has merits in that it is loyal to the royal family, has convincing doctrines, and persuades the populace to be good”; second, it pointed out the drawbacks arising from the excessive prevalence of Buddhism; and third, it justified the restrictions “in order to foster Buddhism by means of distinguishing the proper from the improper, resorting to old regulations, and abolishing the drawbacks.” (Xue et al. 1529) By contrast, the three ordinances issued by the emperors during the first three calamities were a total denial and abolition of Buddhism. It is apparent that Shizong acquired more advanced ruling strategies.
The absence of radical agitators constitutes the second reason. A brief review of the major figures involved in the first three persecutions illustrates this point: Minister Cui Hao and Taoist Kou Qianzhi for Emperor Wu in the Northern Wei; monk Wei Yuansong and Taoist Zhang Bin for the Emperor Wu in the Northern Zhou; Prime Minister Li Deyu and Taoists Zhao Guizhen and Liu Xuanjing for the Emperor Wuzong in the Tang Dynasty. Their agitations played an important role in the initiation, duration, and severity of these calamities. Shizong did treat Taoist Chen Tuan well, but the latter had never served in the court and left the capital just a month later for a hermit’s life without making any proposals for the suppression of Buddhism (Toqto’a et al. 13, 420). The decision of banning Buddhism was made solely by Shizong, whose moderate, non-violent and rational measures adopted demonstrate that he was a wise, resolute and considerate policy-maker.
On the other hand, an important sympathizer,—a monk—might soften Emperor Shizong’s stringent policies. The monk Dao Pi, a longtime friend of Shizong, was once summoned before Shizong’s enthronement to discuss Buddhist affairs. When Shizong proposed abolishing Buddhism due to its diverse sects and disorganized structure, Dao Pi persuaded him with moderate arguments to temporarily discard such an idea. It was not until the second year of his reign that Shizong imposed a partial ban on Buddhism (Zan 492). It is therefore reasonable to conclude that Shizong’s moderate restrictions on Buddhism were partially attributable to Dao Pi’s influence.
Thirdly, Buddhism was localized and gradually integrated into traditional Chinese culture. Originating from India, Buddhism was introduced into China between the late Former Han Dynasty and the early Eastern Han Dynasty. It was developed in the following ten centuries and witnessed the rise and fall of quite a few dynasties. After a long period of conflict and rejection, the incompatibility of Buddhism with local elements such as Confucianism, Taoism and traditional Chinese culture was gradually lessened, and, due to mutual absorption and integration, they had more in common, almost accepting each other and treating each other with respect and politeness. Some thorny questions, such as monks and nuns worshipping emperors and paying homage to their ancestors and parents, were basically resolved in the Tang Dynasty. The conflict between the royal government and religion was eased and one typical case is that monks and nuns were punished in accordance with the nation’s law when they committed crimes (Xie 6). As a consequence, conflicts and struggles between Buddhism and Taoism that existed in the first three calamities did not occur in the last one. As for the conflict between Buddhism and Confucianism, it was not as severe in the last calamity as in the first three ones. Since the contradiction between Buddhism and traditional Chinese culture vanished to a large extent, the measures of banning Buddhism naturally became less violent and cruel.
Finally, given the small number of extant Buddhist temples and monks and nuns, it was unnecessary for Shizong to abolish more Buddhism than he had already done. After experiencing the blows of the first three calamities and the peasant uprisings at the end of the Sui and Tang Dynasties, together with the seasonal restrictions imposed by the rulers, Buddhism did not flourish in the five dynasties, especially in the north. The decline of Buddhism was also attributed to the progress of science and technology, development of productivity, improvement of people’s understanding, and the growth of simple materialism. Additionally, the ascendancy of Confucianism, Taoism, and traditional folk culture allowed them to reclaim the spheres of influence that had once belonged to Buddhism. On the eve of Shizong’s massive restrictions on Buddhism, there were 6,000-odd Buddhist temples and over 130,000 monks and nuns in his nation (Zhang 2002). It was recorded that at the end of the Later Zhou period, after 959, the total number of households was 2,399,812 (Wang Qinruo et al. 5814). Unfortunately, the average number of members per household is not available. If we adopt as a reference the average of 5.9 members per household in the Tang Dynasty5(Du 41), we can calculate that the total population was 14 million (5.9×2,399,812=14,158,898). That means, on average, the living costs of a monk were shared by 102 people (14,158,898÷138,927=101.916). Given the slightly smaller territory and population of the Later Zhou in 955, the living expenses of a single monk might be supported by 90 people. Since Buddhism did not occupy or consume a large share of social resources, and its economic conflict with the state was not severe, there was no compelling need for a harsh crackdown on Buddhism.
To sum up, the above four reasons that the emperor was more experienced, Buddhism was localized in China, no agitators were involved, though a sympathizer may have exerted some influence, and the number of monks, nuns and temples was greatly reduced, could
account for the moderate, non-violent and rational restriction on Buddhism conducted by Shizong.
3. Measures and Practice of Restriction on Buddhism in a Non-violent Way
Based on the historical documents, the measures and practice can be summarized in five aspects: restoration, abolition and establishment of temples; regulations on tonsure for monks and nuns; prohibition on superstitious rituals; censorship of public opinions; and the ban on copper.
First, the restoration, abolition and establishment of temples were stipulated in details. Temples at all levels, which had been officially approved, were allowed to be restored. All those without official approval were to be closed down, and, within one month, Buddhist statues, scriptures, monks and nuns in such temples were sent to the restored temples for rehabilitation. Furthermore, the closed temples were seized by the government, and the assets were returned to their original owners. In those counties without any officially approved temples, two best temples, one for monks and the other for nuns, which were selected from the closed temples, were allowed to exist. If there were no nuns in that county, just one temple was selected for monks. Those towns or villages with more than 200 households were subject to the stipulation levied on the counties. For the remote provinces without any officially approved temples, four best temples were restored among the current ones, two for monks and the other two for nuns (Wang 150).
The establishment of new temples was completely forbidden, including on mountains or at historical sites. For those who disobeyed the stipulation, the builders and assistants should be sentenced to three years’ imprisonment with hard labor and, meanwhile, expelled from Buddhist community. Those officials at high levels who were assumed to overlook the establishing of the new temple should be removed from office and exiled to remote areas while those at low levels should be severely punished according to the extent of their neglect of duty. Senior officials, whether in the royal court or in provincial governments, should not seek the construction of a new temple or reopen a temple. Those who violated this rule should be impeached by the supervisory organ of the royal government (Wang 150).
The stipulations above clearly demonstrate its moderate feature. Unlike the preceding emperors, Shizong did not abolish all the non-official temples, nor did he burn Buddhist scriptures, or drive out monks and nuns. He restored one or two well-conditioned temples in those areas without officially approved ones, which proved that he took into account the local people’s demands of religious belief and spiritual life. A few new temples were even permitted to be set up, as has been mentioned above in the case of four new ones established in September 957. On the other hand, the policies that forbade setting up new temples dispelled the biggest likelihood of Buddhist expansion and exercised the control over both the lower and the higher classes. That the establishment of a temple must be approved by the government originated from the Emperor Ruizong of the Tang Dynasty. The Inspector Wang Zhiyin was sent by the emperor to visit the provinces and forced those monks and nuns to resume secular life if their temples were not officially approved. Emperor Xuanzong in the Tang Dynasty followed this practice. It was Shizong, however, who carried out such a policy in the strictest fashion, and since then, this practice had been followed by the following dynasties.
The measure of dealing with those closed temples was also rational. During the third calamity, the Emperor Wuzong of the Tang Dynasty ordered that the temples should be torn down to build the official buildings and post houses. Sometimes it was such a state of anarchy that the masses openly plundered the possessions of the closed temples. Contemporary records further indicate that the precious temples were demolished and reduced to ruins for a long time, while wooden and earthen structures were thrown into water and sacred scriptures were burnt in flames (Dong et al. 8249–8250). By contrast, Shizong merely closed down the temples for other purposes, while the Buddhist statues and scriptures were well preserved. The devastation of the third calamity never recurred, as evidenced by the fact that, when the Emperor Taizu of the Song Dynasty was enthroned in June 960, he ordered the restoration of temples closed in 955 and the reinstatement of Buddhist statues from the ruined temples (Takakusu and Watanabe 394). For instance, the Xinglong Temple, closed down by Shizong, was later converted into an official warehouse. After the Song Dynasty was established, the former monks in the Xinglong Temple kept on beating the drums to appeal to the reopening of it. As a result, Emperor Taizu sent an envoy who reproached them why they were bothering the government by such a request since the storehouse was used by the former dynasty for long, and even threatened them with capital punishment. The monks responded calmly that “the prosperity of the current dynasty was thanks to the policy of never ruining temples and Buddhist statues in the former dynasty, so why should we monks fear death?” The envoy transferred the story to the emperor who was so moved and ordered the temple to reopen (Takakusu and Watanabe 397). Shizong’s measure, in our opinion, is the most economical one.
Next, there were specific regulations on monastic ordination. The first was on qualifications of becoming a monk or nun. If an individual wished to renounce the world and join the monastic order, they had to obtain written permission from their parents or grandparents; if their parents were deceased, permission from their brothers or uncles was required. Only upon presenting such a written authorization could they be formally accepted by a temple. As for the appeal to the local government for titou6—the ritual hair-cutting, which is a definitive symbol distinguishing Buddhists from secular people—male applicants over15 years old had to be able to recite more than 100 pages of scripture or read 500 pages and female applicants over 13 had to be able to recite 70 pages or read more than 300 pages. The inspecting officials of the local government had to check whether the applicant’s capacity of reciting or reading scriptures had satisfied the qualification. If an applicant's appeal was dismissed, their hair had to be retained; if an ineligible applicant persisted in having their hair cut, they should be required to resume secular life. The Buddhist masters involved in offering assistance and the charging senior masters in the temple would also resume secular life, and in addition, the former would be sentenced to three years’ labor plus another three years’ hard labor and the latter would be beaten 80 times with a stick (Wang 153).
The second was on shoujie7, the ordination of monks and nuns. The private initiation was invalid, and the valid ordination was on the official Buddhist initiation ceremonies held in the Two Capitals (Luoyang, Kaifeng) and Three Prefectures (Daming, Jingzhao, Qingzhou). Those applicants in the two capitals had to pass the examination of reciting or reading scriptures organized by the Religious Ministry and the inspecting officials in the three prefectures were responsible for the examination. If the examination turned out to be careless, the examiners would be punished in accordance with the state laws. If the initiation was invalidly granted, the applicant, the master involved, and senior masters of the temple would be punished as severely as those who cut hair invalidly (Wang 153).
The qualified candidate should submit to the government his or her name, age, the temple he or she applies for, the scriptures he or she has acquired, and relevant documents, one month before the Tomb-sweeping Day8. Only after receiving dudie9, the identity certificate officially issued by the Religious Ministry (under the supervision of the Ministry of Rites), could he or she cut hair and be initiated into monkhood or nunhood. Any monks or nuns without dudie would be forced to return to secular life(Wang 153–154).
The qualifications above indicate that Shizong intended to limit the development of Buddhism to a certain extent rather than ban the religion comprehensively. Teenagers needed parental consent, and young men and women, and adults had to be able to recite or read a certain number of pages of scripture, which meant that the monks and nuns had to have certain cultural and Buddhist knowledge, thus excluding the illiterate and semi-illiterate. It is not recorded in historical books how more than 70,000 monks and nuns (calculated by Zhang and Zeng) (excluding escaping ones) were selected for laicization, but it can be estimated that most of them were tested about the scriptures to decide whether to stay or leave. The same test was also mandatory for future applicants, and anyone would be punished if the test was not properly administered. There is no doubt that the test was the most rational, decisive, fair and civilized means to weed out the surplus monks and nuns and recruit new ones. Such a practice could be summarized as a principle that “he or she who excels in the examination of scriptures can be a monk or nun”, just like the widely accepted statement argued by Confucius that “he who excels in learning can be an official”. Confucius’ idea was realized in the Sui and Tang Dynasties, when the imperial examination system replaced the preceding recommendation system. Later the examination was extended from selecting officials to selecting monks or nuns, which originated from the Emperor Zhongzong of the Tang Dynasty who issued edicts to this effect between 705 and 707 (Takakusu and Watanabe 371). Quite a few subsequent emperors enforced this principle, and so did the last emperor of the Later Tang Dynasty in 935. It was Shizong who implemented this principle very strictly as a means of controlling the expansion of Buddhism. The principle was also followed by nearly every emperor in the Song Dynasty. Of course, the standards and practices varied between the Tang Dynasty and the Song Dynasty.
It should be pointed out that measures were also made for resuming secular life. Those who possessed civil or military talents but had temporarily stayed in temples could request to take part in the official selection examination if they wished to serve as civil officials or join the army. The existing monks and nuns had to be allowed to return to secular life once they expressed such a wish (Wang 154). These measures may have lessened resistance among those who disagreed with Shizong’s policy of restricting Buddhism.
In addition to official approval for temple construction and scripture examinations, the official conferment of dudie was the third measure through which Shizong controlled Buddhism. Dudie originated from Emperor of Xuanzong of the Tang Dynasty who decreed in 729 that all the monks and nuns should be registered and recorded in official documents every three years (Takakusu and Watanabe 375) and stipulated in May 746 that the Religious Ministry should issue dudie to every monk and nun (Takakusu and Watanabe 267). Obviously, Shizong strengthened the implementation of this measure. It was specifically stipulated that, after the middle of April every year, every county had to submit to its superior prefecture a written record detailing the temples under its control and the monks and nuns residing in them. Beginning in 958, following the Tang regulation, this practice was adjusted to require such a report every three years. Similarly, every prefecture had to submit to the central government two copies of a compiled record based on county data before the end of May; one copy would be sent to the emperor and the other filed in the Ministry of Religion. If the record was not submitted by the deadline, or temples, if monks or nuns were not counted in the record, the government of the county and prefecture involved would be reproached for carelessness, and the officials involved would be punished according to their levels. Monks and nuns who were not put in the record are forced to resume secular life. Those monks and nuns who had died, or escaped from the temple, or resumed secular life, had to be reported instantly to the county and prefecture and excluded from the next record (Wang 204).
There were also prohibitive stipulations regarding ordination. An applicant was rejected if he or she fell into any one of the following cases: (1) the only family member responsible for caring for parent(s) or grandparent(s); (2) committing a crime or being punished by law in the past; (3) evading home without approval of parents or grandparents(Xue. et al.1530); (4) a fugitive servant; (5) committing adultery or treachery; (6) a bandit; (7) a suspect criminal at large or a criminal wanted by the law; and (8) a former soldier branded on the face as punishment for a crime. If the applicant in any one of the aforementioned cases (except the first) became a monk or nun and the illegal practice was not reported to the authorities, the involved temple, the applicant, his or her master, senior masters at the temple, and those monks or nuns who were in charge of managing the temple affairs and even who stayed in the applicant’s neighboring rooms would be arrested and investigated. If the local inspecting officials failed to detect the case, they would also be severely punished (Wang 154). In addition, despite the legal practice of becoming a monk or nun, if he or she committed a crime such as stealing, adultery, gambling, drinking, injury or fraud, the monk or nun would be punished in accordance with law (including sentence of death in the case of severe crime) and also forced to return to secular life. Such criminals should not be concealed at temples. Otherwise, anyone involved in the temple would be subject to punishment (Dou 424–425).
The design of these prohibitive stipulations is well-considered. Rejection of the applicant who fell into the case (1) was in line with filial piety of Confucianism, the dominant traditional Chinese culture in ancient China. Rejection of the applicants who fell in the cases from (2) to (8) could be conducive to the social stability and the purity of the community of monkhood and nunhood. The case of deserters had to deserve more attention. During the period of the Five Dynasties (907–960), the frequency of wars between the states in the dissociated China was high and the number of deserters was not small compared with the large size of armies10 (Xue et al. 1544). In 959, the Later Zhou became the most powerful state and maintained the largest army, and, aiming at the reunification of China, Shizong launched numerous military campaigns. That is the main reason why Shizong prevented deserters from becoming monks.
In order to carry out these prohibitive stipulations, Shizong encouraged people to report to the local authorities and even to arrest those who set up temples or cut hair for applicants without official approval, or cut hair for those illegal applicants who were thieves, evildoers, spies, or army deserters. The reporter was awarded with the worldly possessions of the aforementioned criminals (Wang 154). This measure is well-designed in that it could arouse the enthusiasm of masses to supervise the restriction of Buddhism.
Next, there are prohibitive regulations on superstitious rituals. The rituals that monks, nuns or seculars conduct should be prohibited as follows: (1) sacrificing oneself to Buddhism by self-burning; (2) burning one’s arm; (3) torturing oneself by burning one finger; (4) cutting or nailing hands and feet; (5) one’s body pierced by hooks to hang bells; (6) one’s body pierced by hooks to hang lamps; (7) one’s neck encircled by an iron ring; (8) witchcraft empowered by the “magical” objects, or by the inscription of words on a paper; (9) claiming to have the power of transforming or resurrection; (10)passing away while sitting cross-legged; and (11) misleading the secular with “holy” water or “holy” light. The local government had to severely punish those who performed the aforementioned rituals, including sending them to remote areas, forcing them to resume secular life and charging them with crimes. Punishment would be meted out to the temple they lived in, the monks or nuns in charge, and the officers of the local government, if such practices were let go unchecked (Wang 154; Sima 9527).
Of the aforementioned rituals, rituals (1) to (7), which mutilated human body in various ways in the name of Buddhism, were naturally antisocial and anti-human, while rituals (8) to (11) could seduce the masses into superstition in the name of Taoism. Forbidding these two kinds of so-called rituals demonstrates that Shizong’s restriction on Buddhism was moving towards rationality, progress and civilization. As a matter of fact, some superstitious rituals just abuse widely accepted traditional ones. One case in point is one’s body pierced by hooks to hang lamps. It was recorded in history that, as early as the Tang Dynasty, hanging lanterns was an important ritual on Lantern Festival held on the fifteenth day of January of the Chinese lunar calendar11 (Wang Pu 1010). But later it was abused and a kind of “new” ritual became popular, i.e., one displayed in public by a person “whose naked body is pierced by several hooks from which oil lamps are suspended” (Sima 9527).
Furthermore, the censorship of public opinions was also taken into consideration. Those who published heretical books or disseminate heretical statements were sentenced to death, their followers were convicted, and the heretical books were burnt. Heretical books and doctrines refer to content that claimed magical or ghostly powers, provided superstitious interpretations of the unusual body signs, made presumptuous predictions about the state’s potential disasters and practiced fortune-telling (Dou 289–290). The censorship protected the public from superstition and misleading opinions, thereby purifying Buddhist belief and contributing to social stability.
Finally, the copper was placed under official control for most public uses. In ancient China, copper was the primary metal for coinage. Before Shizong’s reign, however, coinage had long been suspended, and, worse still, the supply of copper coins had seriously declined as they were melted down by the masses to make utensils and Buddhist statues. In response, Shizong issued an edict in September 955 placing copper under government control for coinage. Items made of copper or bronze allowed to be retained included the royal instruments for sacrificial rites, military weapons, mirrors, musical instruments used by temples (e.g. bells, cymbals), and metal decorations on Buddhist pagodas. All other privately owned copper or bronze Buddhist statues were to be surrendered to the government within 50 days, and, after the appraisal of their values, were purchased by the government for coinage. The prices for raw copper and wrought copper are, respectively, 100 and 150 guan12 (currency in ancient China, 1,000 small copper coins are strung together for a guan) per jin13 (Chinese weight unit, 2 jin equaling 1 kilogram). Those who failed to transfer after the deadline would be sentenced either to death if the weight of copper statues was over 5 jin, or to several years’ imprisonment if the weight was below 5 jin. If one concealed what he or she knew of a case, he or she would also be sentenced by law; for those who reported and helped arrest the suspect criminals, they were awarded with a certain amount of money, ranging from 10 to 30 guan. In 959, an additional measure was carried out to cancel the practice of copper fish14, an object which indicated an official’s identity and was used as a proof of maneuvering troops (Wang 334–335; Sima 9526–9529; Xue et al. 1532, 1580; Ouyang 123, 125; Takakusu and Watanabe 392).
Putting copper under control, as the last aspect of Shizong’s restriction on Buddhism, was also a reform to regulate economic order. The shortage of copper coins as well as copper emerged as early as the reign of Emperor of Wuzong of the Tang Dynasty. The series of policies Shizong implemented to alleviate the copper shortage benefited the wars for China’s reunification and economic development, and, moreover, reflected the need for rational resources allocation. The needs of normal religious activities and people’s daily lives were met by preserving, for instance, bronze temple musical instruments used by temples and bronze mirrors for common use. Furthermore, abolishing the copper fish system, which had originated no later than the Sui Dynasty, indicated that the copper control had been not only to the general public but also to the upper-class official elite15. It should be pointed out that in the Tang Dynasty, the copper fish symbols were issued as passport to envoys from countries west of China (Wang Pu 2133). In view of the diplomatic demand, such practice probably remained in the reign of Shizong. In addition to controlling the existing copper, Shizong also sought new sources. He allowed the traders from such cities as Qingzhou, Dengzhou and Laizhou to trade for copper in Korea and the traders could then sell copper to the government (Wang 335). He even sent Han Yanqing, a senior official of the Ministry of Water Resources, to Korea in order to purchase copper (Ouyang 122). Reviewing the history of how copper or bronze wares were destroyed in the Qin, Later Han, Sui, Later Zhou, Song and Jin Dynasties, Liang Qichao, (1873–1929), a well-known historian and archeologist, expressed great regret over this loss (Liang 52, 70). The pity of Liang from a perspective of an archeologist was understandable, but Shizong’s policies could be seen as wise and insightful when viewed from the perspectives of a statesman, economist, and sociologist.
4. The Materialistic Concept and Fearless Spirit in the Restriction on Buddhism
In the course of restricting Buddhism, Shizong’s words and actions revealed a kind of naive materialism, mechanistic atheism and fearless spirit. The most typical example is the destruction of copper or bronze Buddhist statues for coinage.
In order to justify his policy, Shizong once argued: “I hear Buddha attaches more importance to sacrifice for others than to his own body. If he were still alive, he would cut off part of his body as long as it could bring any good to the world. So wouldn’t he sacrifice the statues in his form?” (Ouyang 126). Convinced by Shizong’s logical argument rooted in Buddhist teachings, the officials dared not object. In another case, Shizong said to his courtiers: “You should not have doubts on ruining the Buddhist statues. Buddha transforms a person with goodness. If you stick to goodness, you should worship Buddha. But, do you think the statue is Buddha himself? I also hear Buddha sacrifices himself for the people, including sacrificing his head or eyes if alms-giving requires. Similarly, if my body could be sacrificed for my people’s sake, I would do it.” Such remarks were highly praised by Sima Guang, a historian in the earlier Song Dynasty, who commented: “if one follows the example set by Emperor Shizong of the Later Zhou Dynasty, he could be said to be kind because he prefers his people to his body, and he could also be said to be insightful because he does not ruin the useful with the useless” (Sima 9530).
Shizong took a firm stand and showed fearless spirit of destroying Buddhist statues. We could cite two anecdotes vividly recorded in historical documents. One was concerning the Grand Mercy Buddha statue set up in Zhenzhou Prefecture. It was said that the statue seemed to have the telepathy, so when the royal edict of destroying it arrived, no one dared to approach it. Having heard of it, Shizong headed towards the temple where the statue was located and, with an axe in hand, eventually broke into pieces its face and front. The audience on the spot was trembling to watch the whole process (Takakusu and Watanabe 392). It was recorded in another historical document that the local people proposed donating money to get the statue maintained, but the proposal was rejected (Maeda and Nakano 502). The other anecdote was recorded by Wang Gong, a poet and painter in the Earlier Song, that “Emperor Shizong was destroying the copper or bronze statues to make coins with the copper obtained. A Buddhist statue in Zhending city, capital of Zhenzhou Prefecture, was too tall to be destroyed so that the officials in charge asked for an exemption from the royal edict. Later Shizong sent a troop there and ordered a ballista16 to be launched. Stones were hurled and hit the breast of the statue, but the whole one remained undestroyed” (Ji et al. 211).
From the above details, it could be inferred that Shizong’s restriction on Buddhism was confronted with opposition, doubts arising from superstition, and fear of supposed divine retribution among most officials at all levels of government. Under such pressure, however, Shizong kept his cause in track without any hesitation. Historians in the years that followed sang highly of Shizong with different words like “a prominent ruler with conquering spirit and ambitious strategy” (Xue et al. 1587), and “an outstanding figure with thorough understanding, resoluteness and convincing arguments, isn’t he a wise ruler?” (Ouyang 125–126), and “among the rulers in the Five Dynasties, Zhuangzong of the Later Tang Dynasty and Shizong of the Later Zhou are the most valiant, but who is more sagacious? ... Shizong, with his great ambition, obviously overshadows Zhuangzong.”(Sima 9599–9600) These comments were appropriate as they accorded with the historical reality of restricting Buddhism. Regarding the strategy Shizong adopted, Wang Fuzhi, a prominent thinker of the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties, gave an objective comment: those who viewed as a defect Shizong’s failure to ban Buddhism with forceful measures, actually, ignored the fact that, faced with the overwhelming prevalence of Buddhism, Shizong had no better choice but to impose gradual restrictions. Violent policies would trigger fierce resistance and stimulate the further prosperity of Buddhism, while gradual restriction would extinguish its excessive growth. Shizong’s strategy was wise and effective (Wang Fuzhi 1097). When a certain religion is too widespread, it is necessary to adopt measures to confine its dominance, but this does not mean that, the more violent the policy was, the better the effects could be.
5. Sternness in Contrast to Moderateness
If we compare the moderate feature of Shizong’s restriction on Buddhism with his stern personality, we might better understand his policy on Buddhism.
Shizong ruled his army and officials and governed with great strictness. Hong Mai, a distinguished scholar of the late Song Dynasty, criticized Shizong’s sternness in his writings, arguing that Shizong enforced the law too severely. One official would be sentenced to death even as far as he failed to report what he should have done. If generals Fan Aineng and He Hui deserved their death sentence in accordance with the military law when they beat cowardly retreats in battles, however, several other cases would have been exempt from death sentence, such as the inspector of Songzhou, Zhu Fenglin, who failed to capture bandits, general Meng Hanqing, who embezzled the taxes that should be turned over to the government, and Chen Wo, a vice-director of one division under the Ministry of Punishments, who failed to deliver an accurate report about farmland investigation (Hong 369–370).
Another case recorded by Xue Juzheng in The Old History of the Five Dynasties could be cited as a convincing evidence for Shizong’s defect of slaughter at will. Ma Daoyuan, a medical official of the Imperial Academy, made an appeal that his son had been killed by bandits in Shouzhou, but, when the principal criminal was captured in a new prefecture called Suzhou, the local government failed to take the case seriously. Furious at reading the appeal, Shizong sent Dou Yi to investigate the case and ordered Dou to handle it in an extremely stern manner. As a result, Dou passed irrationally harsh sentences, i.e., death sentence on 24 people accused and their families as well, and Zhao Li, the chief of the prefecture, was removed from office. In such a case where only one victim was murdered, wasn’t it unreasonable to sentence 24 families to death? Shizong’s sternness was clearly revealed in this case (Hong 178).
Shizong used to be an experienced general and served as the commander-in-chief with military expertise. In the turbulent period of the five dynasties, his life experience and stern personality could account for the harsh way in which he sentenced to death at will the generals who deserted on the eve of a battle, the arrogant officials with neglect of their duties, and the officials who embezzled public funds and engaged in corrupt practices. In contrast to the stern punishments, Shizong killed no one in the large-scale campaign of restricting Buddhism. It was recorded in The Criminal Law in the Song Dynasty (vol. 18, 26) that, during Shizong’s reign, the death penalty was applied only to crimes legally punishable by death, and to leaders who published heretical books and publicized heretical ideas or defied the government on heretical issues. As a matter of fact, for fear of the capital punishment, no monks and nuns were killed by Shizong for the violation of the relevant regulations. In conclusion, his moderate, non-violent and rational manner was praiseworthy and respectable.
Arnold Joseph Toynbee and Samuel Phillips Huntington summarize the history of human civilization that last for thousands of years as one in which civilizations rise and decline, take place by turns, and come into clash. From the point of view of Huntington, religion is the most important factor that differentiates civilizations in that, one could be mix-blooded, or a citizen of two countries, but would be unlikely to be both a Catholic and a Muslim (Huntington et al. 3–5). Reflecting on the restriction on Buddhism in the Later Zhou, we think that in the process the clash between Confucianism and Buddhism did exist, but was not fierce. Instead, restriction on Buddhism became a turning point for the integration of the two. Shizong’s campaign resulted in the development of Zen17 in the Song Dynasty, a sect that later became the dominant one of Buddhism and a completely localized religious one in China. Since then, no large-scale resistant campaigns have been launched against Buddhism.
Funding
The research is supported by Sichuan University Disciplinary Frontier and Academic Innovation Project (skqy201215,skzd201404) and Sichuan University First-class Disciplines Construction Project (Regional History and Borderland Studies).
Notes
1. For instance, no single word could be found about the last calamity in Guo Peng’s The Buddhism in the Sui and Tang Dynasty (Shandong: Qilu Publishing House, 1980) and The Buddhism in the Song and Yuan Dynasty (Shandong: Qilu Publishing House, 1981). Guo published four books on Buddhist history, covering the period from the Earlier Han to the end of the Qing Dynasty, but failed to write one specifically on the Five Dynasties.
2. Jinshi: A title awarded to those who passed the highest level of the imperial examination system in ancient China, equivalent to a doctorate in modern academic qualifications, and was an important prerequisite for entering officialdom.
3. Zhang Guifei: A high-ranking imperial concubine of Emperor Shizong of the Later Zhou. The “Guifei” was a title of imperial concubines in ancient China, ranking among the top in the hierarchy of imperial concubines, reflecting her noble status in the harem.
4. Purple gown: A special costume awarded by the imperial court to distinguished monks, nuns or officials in ancient China, symbolizing high honor and status. It was not a costume that could be worn at will, and its awarding was strictly controlled by the imperial government.
5. In 755, the Tang reached its climax when the total number of households was 8,914,709 and the population was 52,919,309.
6. Titou: A special term in ancient Chinese Buddhism, referring to the ritual of cutting hair when a person becomes a monk or nun, which is a symbol of formally separating from the secular world and entering the Buddhist circle.
7. Shoujie: A core ritual in Buddhist ordination, referring to the formal ceremony where a person who intends to become a monk or nun receives precepts, marking the official entry into the Buddhist community and the assumption of corresponding religious obligations.
8. Tomb-sweeping Day: A traditional Chinese festival and a day of ancestor worship, falling on the 15th day after the Spring Equinox, usually around April 4–6 in the Gregorian calendar. It was an important time node in ancient official affairs and social activities.
9. Dudie: An official identity certificate issued by the Religious Ministry (under the supervision of the Ministry of Rites) in ancient China to monks and nuns, which was equivalent to the “ID card” of monks and nuns at that time, used to manage and control the number of monks and nuns.
10. For instance, in the population of over 14 million in the Later Zhou, the army once reached its climax of more than 300,000. The data is derived from one letter Shizong wrote in 956 to the emperor of the Later Tang Li Jing (937–975).
11. For instance, under the reign of Emperor Xuanzong of the Tang Dynasty, it was recorded in 744 that “lanterns should be hanged and lighted on the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth days of January as a ritual that should be followed since then”.
12. Guan: A unit of currency in ancient China, usually referring to 1,000 small copper coins strung together, which was a common unit for measuring property and commodity prices in the Later Zhou period.
13. Jin: A traditional Chinese weight unit. In the Later Zhou period, 1 jin was approximately equal to 0.5 kilograms (i.e., 2 jin = 1 kilogram), which was widely used in measuring the weight of copper, grain and other items.
14. Copper fish: An official identity symbol in ancient China, usually made of copper, shaped
like a fish, and used as a proof for officials to dispatch troops, handle official affairs or pass checkpoints. It was an important tool for imperial power to control local and military power.
15. It should be pointed out that in the Tang Dynasty the symbol of copper fish was issued as passport to foreign envoys from countries to the west of China.
16. Ballista: An ancient long-range weapon, mainly used to launch stones or arrows, widely used in wars in the Five Dynasties period. It was a powerful heavy weapon in ancient siege and field battles.
17. Zen: A major sect of Chinese Buddhism, which emphasizes enlightenment through meditation and self-cultivation. After the restriction on Buddhism in the Later Zhou, Zen gradually developed into the dominant sect of Chinese Buddhism, and had a profound impact on Chinese culture, art and philosophy.
Works Cited
Dong, Gao, et al.. The Complete Collection of Works in the Tang Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1983, vol. 788.
Dou, Yi. The Criminal Law in the Song Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1984, vols. 18, 26.
Du, You. Tong Dian: A Comprehensive History of Laws and Regulations. Zhonghua Book Company, 1984. Volume of State Finance and Economy.
Hong, Mai. Rong Zhai Sui Bi: Casual Literary Notes Written in Rongzhai Study.Yuanfang Publishing House, 2000, vols. 4, 9.
Huntington, Samuel P., et al. The Clash of Civilizations? The Debate. W. W. Norton, 1996.Ji, Yun, et al., eds. The Si Ku Quan Shu: Complete Library in the Four Branches of Literature. Wenyuange Photostat Copy, 1986, vol. 1037.
Liang, Qichao. Methods of Studying Chinese History. Shanghai Literature and Arts Publishing House, 1999.
Maeda, Eun, and Nakano Tatsue, eds. Dainippon zoku zōkyō. Hanfen Lou Photostat Copy, 1925, vol. 5, ser. 4.
Ouyang, Xiu. The New History of the Five Dynasties. Zhonghua Book Company, 1974, vol. 12.
Sima, Guang. Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance. Zhonghua Book Company, 1956, vols. 292, 294.
Takakusu, Junjiro, and Watanabe Kaigyoku, eds. Taisho Tripitaka. Taisho shinshu daizokyo kanko kai, 1924–1934, vols. 42, 49, 54.
Toqto’a, et al., eds. The History of the Song Dynasty. Zhonghua Book Company, 1977, vol. 457.
Wang, Fuzi. Du Tong Jian Lun: Comments on History. Zhonghua Book Company, 1975, vol. 30.
Wang, Qinruo, et al. Ce Fu Yuan Gui: Royal Records of Deeds of Emperors and Ministers in Past Dynasties. Zhonghua Book Company, 1982, vol. 486.
Wang, Pu. Records of Decrees and Regulations of the Five Dynasties. Commercial Press, 1929–1937, vols. 12, 16, 27.
———. Records of Decrees and Regulations of the Tang Dynasty. Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1991, vols. 16, 100.
Xie, Chongguang. “The Rise and Decline of Buddhist Privileges in the Wei, Jin, Sui and Tang Dynasties.” Historical Studies, no. 6, 1987.
Xue, Juzheng, et al., eds. The Old History of the Five Dynasties. Zhonghua Book Company, 1976, vols. 115, 116, 117, 119, 121.
Zan, Ning. “Biographies of the Eminent Monks in the Song Dynasty.” Collected Biographies of Eminent Monks, edited by Hui Jiao et al., Shanghai Ancient Books Publishing House, 1991, vol. 17.
Zhang, Jian. A Study of the Four Calamities in the History of Buddhism. PhD diss., Sichuan University, 2002.
The Authors
Zhang Jian, professor of the School of History and Culture of Sichuan University, doctoral supervisor of history, mainly studies world history, ancient Chinese history, history of comparative exchanges between China and the West, and history of Chinese and foreign religions.
Email: zhangjian729cd@sina.com
Zeng Xiangmin, vice dean and professor of the School of Foreign Languages of Southwest Jiaotong University, doctorate in history, master’s tutor, mainly research on Chinese and foreign religious history and translation.
Email: xiangmincd@163.com